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The return of privlic equity

It’s been over four years since the heyday of the last boom when I first discussed what I called “privlic equity” in an article about Blackstone’s proposed IPO.

So here we are post-bust, and according to the WSJ, they’re baack:

Apollo Global Management LLC became a public company in late March. Last year, KKR & Co. began trading on the New York Stock Exchange. * * * There is more to come. Oaktree Capital Group LLC is planning to sell $100 million of shares, while private-equity powerhouse Carlyle Group LLC is expected to come public in the next six months or so. Meanwhile, hedge-fund investor William Ackman is expected to sell public shares of a new hedge fund.

For those who were skeptical about this business form back in 2007, it’s worth noting that “skeptics acknowledge there is little evidence that being public crimps returns. Blackstone recently raised a $15 billion new fund despite the rough economic period.”

Some may wonder why “private equity” wants to go public.  The WSJ story points to the “irony. . . that many private-equity firms tell potential acquisition targets that becoming private through a sale to these firms will allow their businesses to prosper.” The article ineptly responds by parroting the privlic equity hype that “operating privately works best for companies undergoing change, but their investment businesses already are strong and can thrive as public companies.” Yeah, whatever.

I have a more cogent explanation, which I’ve discussed in several places, including the University of Chicago Law Review and my book, Rise of the Uncorporation.  I argue that the important feature of what I call “uncorporations,” including private equity firms like the ones noted in the WSJ article, is not whether they’re public or private but their form of governance. In a nutshell, uncorporations substitute partnership-type incentives for corporate-type monitoring.  The elements of partnership-type governance include making managers true owners and giving the owners greater access to the cash.  This can make sense for both publicly and privately held firms.

Here, for example, is my description of Blackstone in the Chicago article (304-05, footnotes omitted):

[T]he owners of the managing general partner of the publicly traded Blackstone Group own equity shares in the funds and will continue to receive directly a share of the carry. The Group, in turn, owns controlling general partnership interests in the funds. As in other publicly traded partnerships, taxing earnings, whether or not distributed, to the owners should make them more averse than corporate shareholders to earnings retention. Managers who retain earnings on which the unitholders are taxed are likely to be judged harshly in the capital markets and thus face constraints on future capital-raising.

As a tradeoff for partnership discipline and incentives, “privlic” equity firms eliminate the monitoring mechanisms that characterize the corporate form. The Blackstone Group prospectus thus correctly calls itself “a different kind of public company.” Blackstone Group unitholders get almost no formal control rights. The LLC that manages the Group is controlled by a board elected by the LLC members, not by the Group or its unitholders. The prospectus makes clear that the unitholders “will have only limited voting rights on matters affecting our business and . . . will have little ability to remove our general partner.”

Privlic equity firms also sharply restrict managers’ fiduciary duties. For example, The Blackstone Group limited partnership agreement provides that the general partner may make decisions in its “sole discretion” considering any interests it desires, including its own. The general partner may resolve any conflict of interest between the Group and the general partner as long as its decision is “fair and reasonable.” A unitholder challenging the decision has the burden of proof on this issue, and a decision approved by independent directors is conclusively deemed to be fair and reasonable and not a breach of duty. In addition, since the Group is a Delaware limited partnership, courts are likely to enforce these limitations on fiduciary duties.

This uncorporate structure is not for all firms.  As discussed in Rise of the Uncorporation, the form makes a lot of sense for the standard publicly traded partnership, which manages “natural resources, real estate, and other properties as these firms can commit to making distributions without compromising long-term business plans.” It may make less sense for more entrepreneurial firms that have a lot of business opportunities and need to give their managers control of the cash.  Private equity is somewhere in between.

My discussion of privlic equity in this early-2010 book ended on a bleak note appropriate to the times, noting that “privlic equity shares have melted down with the rest of the market” and “the  possibility that the firms will repurchase their newly cheap shares and become private again. It is not clear whether the privlic model ultimately will be seen as a short-lived fad of the financial boom, will make a comeback when the market does, or be seen as a transitional structure that will give rise to the publicly held uncorporation of the future.”

I also suggested that privlic equity might be the harbinger of a “convergence of corporate and uncorporate forms or some sort of reconfiguration of the divisions among large firms.”

It’s not clear from the WSJ article exactly what is happening in this resurgence of privlic equity. Among other things, I don’t know whether the new IPOs will use Blackstone-type techniques to avoid restrictions on partnership taxation of publicly traded partnerships, or will be tax corporations.  If the former, it would seem the firms will face pressures to make distributions, since the owners will be taxed on the income whether distributed or not.  Yet the WSJ article suggest the firms will have corporate-type “capital lock-in” (to use Margaret Blair’s term): “Mr. Ackman’s IPO would give him capital for investments that can’t be yanked by investors if they sour on him or the market.” 

The WSJ article indicates there’s still confusion about what’s going on with these firms.  But since going privlic may be here to stay, it’s time to try to understand their financial significance.  I suggested in the conclusion of Rise of the Uncorporation that this could be the harbinger of a new type of hybrid firm:

For example, regulators may insist that firms adopt uncorporate discipline before they can waive such important corporate features as shareholder voting and fiduciary duties. Also, publicly traded uncorporations arguably have the same need for inflexible rules as publicly held corporations. Regulators therefore might mandate features such as limited terms or regular distributions for firms that seek to opt out of standard corporate features. In short, the publicly traded partnership could become a distinct type of firm that straddles the corporate-uncorporate boundary.

In other words, we might finally have to face the failure of standard corporate-type governance and the need to replace it with something that works better than shareholder democracy and the business judgment rule.

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