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When Is Deception an Antitrust Offense? The FTC’s Unorthodox Case Against Google

Posted by Hal Singer on May 9, 2012

Last week, the FTC hired outside litigator Beth Wilkinson to lead an investigation into Google’s conduct, which some in the press have interpreted as a grave sign for the search company. The FTC is reportedly interested in pursuing Google under Section 5 of the FTC Act, which prohibits a firm from engaging in “unfair methods of competition.” Along with Bob Litan, who served as Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the Antitrust Division during the Microsoft investigation, I have penned a short paper on the FTC’s seemingly unorthodox Section 5 case against Google. (Disclosure: This paper was commissioned by Google.)

Litan and I explore a few possible theories of harm under a hypothetical Section 5 case and find them wanting, including (1) claims that specialized search results (such as flight, shopping or map results) “unfairly” harm the independent specialized search websites like Kayak (travel) or MapQuest (mapping and directions), or (2) assertions that Google allegedly has “deceived” users or websites by seemingly reneging on pledges not to favor its own sites. For the sake of brevity, I focus on the FTC’s potential deception theory here, and leave it to interested reader to pursue the “unfairness” theory in the paper.

Deception of Users

The alleged bases of Google’s alleged deception are generic statements that Google made, either in its initial public offering (IPO) or on its website, about Google’s attitude toward users leaving the site. The provision of a lawful service, specialized search, launched several years after the IPO statement certainly cannot be deceptive. To conclude that it is, and more importantly, to prevent the company from offering innovations in search would establish a precedent that would surely punish innovation throughout the rest of the economy.

As for the mission statement that the company wants users to get off the site as quickly as possible, it is just that, a mission statement. Users do not go to the mission statement when they search; they go to the Google site itself. Users cannot possibly be harmed even if this particular statement in the company’s mission were untrue. Moreover, if the problem lies in that statement, then any remedy should be directed at amending that statement. There is no justification for the Commission to hamper Google’s specialized search services themselves or to dictate where Google must display them.

Deception of Rivals

An alternative theory suggests that Google deceived its rivals, reducing innovation among independent websites. In a February 2012 paper delivered to the OECD, Tim Wu explained that competition law can be used to “increase the costs of exclusion,” which if successful, would promote innovation among application providers. Wu argued that “oversight of platforms is conceptually similar” to oversight of standard-setting organizations (SSOs). He offers a hypothetical case in which a platform owner “broadly represents to the world that he maintains an open and transparent innovation platform,” gains a monopoly position based on those representations, and then begins to exclude applications “that might themselves serve as platforms.” Once the industry has committed to a private platform, Wu argues, the platform owner “earns oversight of its practices from that point onward.”

So has Google earned itself oversight due to its alleged deception? Google is not perceived by web designers as providing a platform for all companies to have equal footing. Websites’ rankings in Google’s search results vary tremendously over time; no publisher could reasonably rely on any particular ranking on Google. To the contrary, websites want their presence to be known to any and all search engines. That specialized search sites did not base their business plans on Google’s commitment to openness is what distinguishes Google’s platform from Microsoft’s platform in the 1990s. To Wu’s credit, he does not mention Google in this section of the paper; the only platforms mentioned are those of Apple, Android, and Microsoft.

It is even more of a stretch to analogize Google’s conduct to that in the FTC’s Rambus case. Unlike websites that do not depend on a Google “standard”–the website can be accessed by users from any search engine, or through direct navigation–computer memory chips must be compatible with a variety of computers, which requires that chip producers develop a common set of standards for performance and interoperability. According to the FTC, Rambus exploited this reliance by, among other things, not disclosing to chip makers that it had additional divisional patent applications in process. That specialized search sites did not make “irreversible technological” investments based on Google’s commitment to a common standard is what distinguishes Google’s platform from SSOs.

The Freedom to Innovate

A change in a business model cannot be a legitimate basis for a Section 5 case because a firm cannot be expected to know how the world is going to unfold at its inception. A lot can change in a decade. Consumers’ taste for the product can change. Technology can change. Business models are required to adapt to such change; else they die. There should be no requirement that once a firm writes a mission statement, it be held to that statement forever. What if Google failed to anticipate the role of specialized search in 2004? Presumably, Google failed to anticipate a lot of things, but that should not be the basis for denying its entry into ancillary services or expanding its core offerings. As John Maynard Keynes famously replied to a criticism during the Great Depression of having changed his position on monetary policy: “When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do sir?” If Google exposes itself to increased oversight for merely changing its mind, then other technology firms might think twice before innovating. And that would be a horrible consequence to the FTC’s exploration of alternative antitrust theories.

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The Economics of Drip Pricing at the FTC

Posted by Josh Wright on May 7, 2012

The FTC is having a conference in the economics of drip pricing:

Drip pricing is a pricing technique in which firms advertise only part of a product’s price and reveal other charges later as the customer goes through the buying process. The additional charges can be mandatory charges, such as hotel resort fees, or fees for optional upgrades and add-ons. Drip pricing is used by many types of firms, including internet sellers, automobile dealers, financial institutions, and rental car companies.

Economists and marketing academics will be brought together to examine the theoretical motivation for drip pricing and its impact on consumers, empirical studies, and policy issues pertaining to drip pricing. The sessions will address the following questions: Why do firms engage in drip pricing? How does drip pricing affect consumer search? Where does drip pricing occur? When is drip pricing harmful? Are there efficiency justifications for the practice in some situations? Can competition prevent firms from harming consumers through drip pricing? Can consumer experience or firm reputation limit harm from drip pricing? What types of policies could lead to improved consumer decision making and under what circumstances should such policies be applied?

The workshop, which will be free and open to the public, will be held at the FTC’s Conference Center, located at 601 New Jersey Avenue, N.W., Washington, DC. A government-issued photo ID is required for entry. Pre-registration for this workshop is not necessary, but is encouraged, so that we may better plan for the event.

Here is the conference agenda:

8:30 a.m.   Registration
   
9:00 a.m. Welcome and Opening Remarks
Jon Leibowitz, Chairman, Federal Trade Commission    
   
9:05 a.m. Overview of Drip Pricing
Mary Sullivan, Federal Trade Commission  
   
9:15 a.m. Consumer and Competitive Effects of Obscure Pricing
Joseph Farrell, Director, Bureau of Economics, Federal Trade Commission
   
9:45 a.m.  Theories of Drip Pricing
Chair, Doug Smith, Federal Trade Commission
   
[Presentation] David Laibson, Harvard University
[Presentation] Michael Baye, Indiana University
[Presentation] Michael Waldman, Cornell University
   
[Comments] Discussion leader
Michael Salinger, Boston University
   
11:15 a.m.  Morning Break
   
11:30 a.m.  Keynote Address
Amelia Fletcher, Chief Economist, Office of Fair Trading, UK
   
12:00 p.m Lunch
   
1:00 p.m. Empirical Analysis of Drip Pricing
Chair, Erez Yoeli, Federal Trade Commission
   
[Presentation]
Vicki Morwitz, New York University
[Presentation]
Meghan Busse, Northwestern University
[Presentation]
Sara Fisher Ellison, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
   
[Comments] Discussion leader
Jonathan Zinman, Dartmouth College
   
2:30 p.m. Afternoon Break
   
2:45 p.m. Public Policy Roundtable
   
  Moderator, Mary Sullivan, Federal Trade Commission
 
  Panelists

Michael Baye, Indiana University

Sara Fisher Ellison, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Rebecca Hamilton, University of Maryland
  David Laibson, Harvard University
  Vicki Morwitz, New York University
  Michael Salinger, Boston University
  Michael Waldman, Cornell University
  Florian Zettelmeyer, Northwestern University
  Jonathan Zinman, Dartmouth College
   
3:45 p.m.  Closing Remarks

Posted in antitrust, behavioral economics, economics, federal trade commission, price discrimination, truth on the market | 1 Comment »

The Buffett Rule is a Mirage

Posted by J.W. Verret on April 28, 2012

The Buffett Rule is clearly a mirage.  The President introduced his new strategy in his State of the Union Address by asking “why should Warren Buffett pay a lower tax rate than his secretary?”  It reminds me of the common scene from adventure movies, where the hero wanders through the desert and continues to see an oasis just beyond the horizon only to find sand each time he gets closer.

The Obama Administration knows the Buffett rule tax, a minimum 30% millionaire tax, will raise very little revenue.  And as Dean Glenn Hubbard of Columbia Business School recently pointed out, the broader tax and spending goals in the Obama plan actually will require an 11% tax hike on the middle class.

The Buffett Rule ignores the fact that owners of companies pay a double tax rate on income, at both the corporate and the individual level.  And it turns out that many voters see the Buffett Rule as a mere parlor trick, a cheap stunt.  A recent poll reveals that 54% of voters think it is a “gimmick” versus 34% who believe it is a serious proposal.

Not to beat a dead horse, but here’s an op-ed I placed today in the Washington Times.  I show how Obama’s rhetoric on this issue is inconsistent with one of his signature accomplishments, the Dodd-Frank Act, which preserves privileged investment opportunities for millionaires.

We’ll hear a lot about Bain Capital in the upcoming election, but it should be noted that every American could have a chance to invest in private equity companies like Bain Cap if not for the approach currently taken by the Obama Administration.  (And before you tell me crowdfunding legislation, pushed by House Republicans, fixes this problem for the President I should note that crowdfunding is aimed at startups, not at investment funds).

Liberals’ ‘consumer protections’ lock all but rich out of Wall Street’s best deals

By J.W. Verret

Friday, April 27, 2012

  • Illustration: Warren Buffett by Alexander Hunter for The Washington Times

Last week marked the first day of the 2012 general election. As the competing campaigns kick into high gear, President Obama revived his Buffett-rule talking points on how raising taxes on the wealthy will restore the middle class. Actions mean more than such empty rhetoric. The president speaks of supporting fairness, but some of his actions actually favor the wealthy over lower-income earners.

Take the Dodd-Frank Act. Most people don’t know that buried in this financial reform bill, the president secured investment privileges for households, but only if they are worth at least $1 million. While one hand supports a millionaire tax, the other reserved special opportunities in private equity funds and hedge funds for millionaires.

Because of their risk level, we typically think of hedge funds and private equity funds as reserved for the very wealthiest investors. While that may be true, it doesn’t have to be the case. If not for the approach taken by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the administration, ordinary investors could have a chance to invest smaller amounts and enjoy a chance at tremendous returns.

For example, large pension funds such as the California Pension Fundor the typical state retired teachers pension fund allocate anywhere from 5 percent to 20 percent of their investments in these types of securities. Workers who handle their own retirement investing and aren’t millionaires also should be able to allocate part of their portfolio to these types of investments.

Instead of imposing rules that discriminate against different income groups, Congress and the administration should provide the same opportunities to everyone. For example, without the Dodd-Frank accredited-investor provision favoring millionaires, average investors would be able to invest for their retirement in some hedge funds and private equity funds and get a chance at higher investment returns.

Historically, the SEC created a market for these securities exempt from many of its public-offering rules. The exemption relaxed the rules only for offerings to investors who were personally worth at least $1 million. Unfortunately, the Dodd-Frank Act raised the wealth threshold for those wanting to participate in the securities market by no longer letting investors include the value of their homes in determining whether they make the cut. Investors near the threshold typically have about one-third of their wealth invested in their home. This rule change ensures that only the top 1 percent of Americans will have access to these lucrative deals.

Proponents of the rule argued it was necessary to protect investors from being cheated in markets that are subject to fewer regulations. But there is no evidence that fraud is more common in exempt markets than in those more tightly regulated by the SEC. The logic behind the idea that personal wealth makes one a sophisticated investor able to uncover fraud is also suspect. Paris Hilton probably could use the protection of the securities laws more than your local financial adviser, and yet theSEC relaxes its rules for Ms. Hilton but not for a certified financial adviser if he isn’t wealthy enough.

Some have urged replacing exemptions based on wealth with a licensing system, in which investors who passed a simple financial literacy test could invest in whatever investment opportunities are made available to them. We give teenagers a license to drive a car after passing a much more simplistic test than what is envisioned for this approach, despite the fact that driving incurs potentially catastrophic financial risk to them and their parents.

The president hails the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform Act as one of his top accomplishments in office that will protect the middle class, but a closer examination shows there are provisions within that law that favor the wealthy over lower-income earners. Instead of supporting policies that protect Americans from achieving success, the president should support policies that provide equal opportunity for success, regardless of income earned.

J.W. Verret is a senior scholar at the Mercatus Center and an assistant professor of law at George Mason University.

Posted in truth on the market | 3 Comments »

TOTM in the Law Blog Rankings

Posted by Josh Wright on April 25, 2012

Paul Caron’s new blog rankings are out.  TOTM comes in at #22 in page views and #20 in visitors.  Thanks to all of our readers!

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Joking about politics

Posted by Todd Henderson on April 9, 2012

On November 3rd, the president of the United States spoke at the Hotel Lowry in St. Paul, Minnesota, in what was billed repeatedly as a bi-partisan address. The president ridiculed reactionaries in Congress who he claimed represented the wealthy and the powerful, and whose “theory seems to be that if these groups are prosperous, they will pass along some of their prosperity to the rest of us.” The president drew a direct line between prosperity and increased “fairness” in the distribution of wealth: “We know that the country will achieve economic stability and progress only if the benefits of our production are widely distributed among all its citizens.” The president then laid out an ambitious agenda focused on creating jobs, improving education, expanding health care, and ensuring equal rights for all.

Addressing his opponents in Congress, the president said “[t]here are people who contend that . . . programs for the general welfare will cost too much,” but argued “[t]he expenditures which we make today for the education, health, and security of our citizens are investments in the future of our country . . . .” Giving a specific, and favorite, example, the president argued that government investments in the areas of energy are “good investments in the future of this great country.” Building on the meme about great countries doing great national projects, he praised the Louisiana Purchase, which brought Minnesota into the Union, and compared congressional critics of his past and proposed spending to those who argued President Jefferson should not have been allowed to borrow to buy “Louisiana” from Napoleon.

The speech was given on November 3, 1949, and the president was Harry Truman. But it could just as easily have come from the mouth of our current president, despite the fact that President Obama’s December 2011 speech in Osawatomie, Kansas was allegedly invoking President Teddy Roosevelt. In fact, we could play a game – call it, “Harry or Barry?” (as the president was called for most of his life) – to see how little has changed since 1949:

Read the rest of this entry »

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Romney’s Money

Posted by Paul H. Rubin on March 30, 2012

Mitt Romney made a lot of money at Bain Capital.  The press seems to view this as a negative; even the Wall Street Journal is piling on, and the Obama Campaign is paying attention. 

This is misguided.  The lesson to take away from Romney’s high earnings is that he is more dedicated than most politicians; he has actually given up a chance to earn vast sums in order to serve.  This is not an option for most politicians.  For example, Obama was a community organizer and his income from book sales was enhanced by his political career.  Gingrich was a professor and his income has also  been enhanced by his political career. Santorum was a lawyer but did not practice much before entering politics.  Other politicians (e.g., Cheney) have been wealthy, but their wealth came after their political careers.  So the Romney campaign should spin his earning power as a sign of his dedication, rather than trying to finesse it.

Posted in truth on the market | 1 Comment »

Some Links

Posted by Josh Wright on March 25, 2012

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More Bailout Fallout: Non-buyer’s Remorse

Posted by Michael Sykuta on March 12, 2012

An interesting story in the WSJ Online today about American International Group (AIG)’s use of a standard tax write-off and the political firestorm it is creating…all because the Washington establishment thought it could hide behind semantics during the bailout era.

The benefits at issue were accrued by AIG as it amassed record losses amid the financial crisis; the U.S. tax code allows businesses to “carry forward” such net operating losses to offset future tax obligations, in effect saving on future tax bills. But those carry-forwards can vanish if a company is taken over or sold, an exception that prevents healthy companies from avoiding taxes by buying firms with significant losses.

The criticism from the former members of the congressional panel stems from a series of Treasury determinations beginning in late 2008 that said the federal government’s bailout of AIG, General Motors Co. and other firms didn’t constitute a sale.

The US government acquired as much as 90% ownership in AIG during the bailout era. Under most any definition, such a shift would be considered a change in corporate control. However, because the Treasury Dept. wanted to maintain the illusion that government was not taking over large swaths of the US economy, it pronounced that these bailouts were not what any student of financial markets understood them to be: an exchange of equity control and strings on management for access to cash. In short, a sale of control.

Now the Treasury Department’s ruling is coming back to bite. Under the US tax code, AIG and its investors have a legal right to carry forward losses from the financial crisis to offset taxable earnings now. But now legal-scholar-turned-bureaucrat-turned-politician Elizabeth Warren, and others, want to change the rules after the fact. Warren is calling on Congress to “end this special tax break”. I’m not sure what exactly is so “special” about this tax break, since it applies to any business, not just those bailed out by the Feds. So is Warren suggesting all businesses should be prohibited from carrying forward losses? Or only businesses whose losses the Federal government wasn’t willing to tolerate in the first place? After all, if the Treasury had let nature take its course, AIG (and many other bailout recipients who are now wondering about their own ability to carry forward losses) would have been bought–albeit likely in pieces–and this whole issue would be moot.

What’s really interesting about this whole argument is that Treasury still holds 70%–a controlling interest–of AIG’s stock. AIG reported their beneficial tax breaks weeks ago. Presumably Treasury is paying attention to their investments and knew about that decision, possibly even before it was publicly released. So why didn’t they exercise their controlling interest and stop management from electing to use the carry forward? More importantly, Treasury is the “owner” that stands to gain the most from this tax benefit. So what exactly is Ms. Warren and others complaining about?

Either way, this is a mess of Treasury’s own making with its semantic gamesmanship on whether the bailout should be named for the government take-over that it was. Seems like we have a bit of non-buyer’s remorse.

Posted in business, law and economics, Sykuta, taxes, truth on the market | 5 Comments »

Google Isn’t ‘Leveraging Its Dominance,’ It’s Fighting To Avoid Obsolescence

Posted by Geoffrey Manne on March 12, 2012

Six months may not seem a great deal of time in the general business world, but in the Internet space it’s a lifetime as new websites, tools and features are introduced every day that change where and how users get and share information. The rise of Facebook is a great example: the social networking platform that didn’t exist in early 2004 filed paperwork last month to launch what is expected to be one of the largest IPOs in history. To put it in perspective, Ford Motor went public nearly forty years after it was founded.

This incredible pace of innovation is seen throughout the Internet, and since Google’s public disclosure of its Federal Trade Commission antitrust investigation just this past June, there have been many dynamic changes to the landscape of the Internet Search market. And as the needs and expectations of consumers continue to evolve, Internet search must adapt – and quickly – to shifting demand.

One noteworthy development was the release of Siri by Apple, which was introduced to the world in late 2011 on the most recent iPhone. Today, many consider it the best voice recognition application in history, but its potential really lies in its ability revolutionize the way we search the Internet, answer questions and consume information. As Eric Jackson of Forbes noted, in the future it may even be a “Google killer.”

Of this we can be certain: Siri is the latest (though certainly not the last) game changer in Internet search, and it has certainly begun to change people’s expectations about both the process and the results of search. The search box, once needed to connect us with information on the web, is dead or dying. In its place is an application that feels intuitive and personal. Siri has become a near-indispensible entry point, and search engines are merely the back-end. And while a new feature, Siri’s expansion is inevitable. In fact, it is rumored that Apple is diligently working on Siri-enabled televisions – an entirely new market for the company.

The past six months have also brought the convergence of social media and search engines, as first Bing and more recently Google have incorporated information from a social network into their search results. Again we see technology adapting and responding to the once-unimagined way individuals find, analyze and accept information. Instead of relying on traditional, mechanical search results and the opinions of strangers, this new convergence allows users to find data and receive input directly from people in their social world, offering results curated by friends and associates.

As Social networks become more integrated with the Internet at large, reviews from trusted contacts will continue to change the way that users search for information. As David Worlock put it in a post titled, “Decline and Fall of the Google Empire,” “Facebook and its successors become the consumer research environment. Search by asking someone you know, or at least have a connection with, and get recommendations and references which take you right to the place where you buy.” The addition of social data to search results lends a layer of novel, trusted data to users’ results. Search Engine Land’s Danny Sullivan agreed writing, “The new system will perhaps make life much easier for some people, allowing them to find both privately shared content from friends and family plus material from across the web through a single search, rather than having to search twice using two different systems.”It only makes sense, from a competition perspective, that Google followed suit and recently merged its social and search data in an effort to make search more relevant and personal.

Inevitably, a host of Google’s critics and competitors has cried foul. In fact, as Google has adapted and evolved from its original template to offer users not only links to URLs but also maps, flight information, product pages, videos and now social media inputs, it has met with a curious resistance at every turn. And, indeed, judged against a world in which Internet search is limited to “ten blue links,” with actual content – answers to questions – residing outside of Google’s purview, it has significantly expanded its reach and brought itself (and its large user base) into direct competition with a host of new entities.

But the worldview that judges these adaptations as unwarranted extensions of Google’s platform from its initial baseline, itself merely a function of the relatively limited technology and nascent consumer demand present at the firm’s inception, is dangerously crabbed. By challenging Google’s evolution as “leveraging its dominance” into new and distinct markets, rather than celebrating its efforts (and those of Apple, Bing and Facebook, for that matter) to offer richer, more-responsive and varied forms of information, this view denies the essential reality of technological evolution and exalts outdated technology and outmoded business practices.

And while Google’s forays into the protected realms of others’ business models grab the headlines, it is also feverishly working to adapt its core technology, as well, most recently (and ambitiously) with its “Google Knowledge Graph” project, aimed squarely at transforming the algorithmic guts of its core search function into something more intelligent and refined than its current word-based index permits. In concept, this is, in fact, no different than its efforts to bootstrap social network data into its current structure: Both are efforts to improve on the mechanical process built on Google’s PageRank technology to offer more relevant search results informed by a better understanding of the mercurial way people actually think.

Expanding consumer welfare requires that Google, like its ever-shifting roster of competitors, must be able to keep up with the pace and the unanticipated twists and turns of innovation. As The Economist recently said, “Kodak was the Google of its day,” and the analogy is decidedly apt. Without the drive or ability to evolve and reinvent itself, its products and its business model, Kodak has fallen to its competitors in the marketplace. Once revered as a powerhouse of technological innovation for most of its history, Kodak now faces bankruptcy because it failed to adapt to its own success. Having invented the digital camera, Kodak radically altered the very definition of its market. But by hewing to its own metaphorical ten blue links – traditional film – instead of understanding that consumer photography had come to mean something dramatically different, Kodak consigned itself to failure.

Like Kodak and every other technology company before it, Google must be willing and able to adapt and evolve; just as for Lewis Carol’s Red Queen, “here it takes all the running you can do, to keep in the same place.” Neither consumers nor firms are well served by regulatory policy informed by nostalgia. Even more so than Kodak, Google confronts a near-constantly evolving marketplace and fierce competition from unanticipated quarters. If regulators force it to stop running, the market will simply pass it by.

[Cross posted at Forbes]

Posted in google, technology, truth on the market | Tagged: , , , | 1 Comment »

A Tale of Two Subsidies

Posted by Michael Sykuta on March 5, 2012

Last week’s business news highlighted two tremendous subsidy programs. In one case, the company received no direct payment for product development. None of its suppliers received targeted subsidies to produce parts. But consumers were subsidized to encourage them to buy the product.

In the other case, the company received direct payments to underwrite the cost of product development, one of the company’s suppliers received an even larger subsidy to create critical components, and consumers were given subsidies to encourage them to buy the product.

One of those products is among the best selling products in the world. The other just halted production. The successful one was subsidized through private market transactions. The other was subsidized by the US government using taxpayer dollars.

If you haven’t guessed by now, I refer to the Apple iPhone and the Chevy Volt, respectively.

The irony of these twin tales is that they highlight the problems of subsidies in general, but particularly when the subsidy is used as a tool for the government to pick winners and losers in the market (i.e., industrial policy).

In the case of the iPhone, cellular phone companies subsidize the phone in the hope of being able to recoup those costs in the price of the service contracts that are bundled with the subsidized phones. Basically, the subsidy really amounts to nothing more than a marketing expense for the cell phone companies to expand their market share of (particularly data) service contracts. Cell phone carriers recognize that consumers value the features of the phone and are willing to take a loss on the phone to get the consumers locked into a service contract. The subsidy creates value all the way around, since the cellular companies would not offer the subsidy if they did not believe they could more than recoup the cost on the service contracts.

In the case of the Volt, the government had no concern for being able to break even. The motive was to unlevel the playing field by giving GM an (unfair?) advantage in developing an electric vehicle, whether compared to other electric vehicle manufacturers or to traditional combustion engines and recent hybrids. (Actually, according to the WSJ report, the Feds also subsidized Fisker Automotive’s Nina plug-in, which is also no longer in active production.) The problem is, consumers don’t want the product—even at the whoppingly-low, subsidized price of $40,000 per car. GM sold barely half of its originally target of 15,000 cars in 2011. The company has built up so much excess inventory that it shut down production and laid off 1,300 workers for a couple months, with the hope that consumers will eventually buy up the excess.

This doesn’t mean that private market “subsidies” are necessarily good either. As the WSJ reported, Apple is facing an uphill battle. As the market for contract cell service begins to get saturated, Apple finds itself unable to effectively compete in the non-contract market because it doesn’t have affordably-priced phones for that segment and cellular companies cannot (or simply will not) subsidize the iPhone if they can’t recoup the cost. Some investment fund managers have even grown leery of Apple because they see a rough road ahead as Apple tries to expand into LDC’s where non-contract phone plans dominate and consumers cannot afford the pricy iPhone.

As the WSJ headline indicates, subsidies provide a crutch for producers. In every case, over-reliance on the crutch will inhibit long-term growth and economic viability. The difference between privately-provided crutches and government-provided crutches is that the private sector market has a much stronger incentive to make sure the patient has a realistically good prognosis to begin with, rather than Washington’s knack for picking losers.

Posted in business, markets, Sykuta, truth on the market | 3 Comments »

 
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