Truth on the Market

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Archive for January, 2010

Monsanto's licensing case victory

Posted by Geoffrey Manne on January 20, 2010

As regular readers know, we’ve been following with (critical) interest the antitrust issues surrounding the seed industry in general and Monsanto in particular.  See, for example posts by me or Mike here, here and here.

As you may not know, Monsanto and Pioneer (a DuPont subsidiary) have been engaged in a heated contract and patent dispute rooted in Monsanto’s claim that Pioneer breached a patent license it obtained from Monsanto by stacking (that is, combining in one seed product) Monsanto’s Roundup Ready trait (which makes plants resistant to glyphosate herbicides like Monsanto’s Roundup) with its own glyphosate-tolerant trait in some of its genetically-modified soybean and corn seeds.  Pioneer has counterclaimed, including with a number of antitrust claims.  Arguably the major impetus for the antitrust accusations swirling around Monsanto in this area is Pioneer’s fomenting of such claims, and Pioneer seems to have been “cooperating with” the DOJ in its ongoing investigation.

Although we have been most interested in the antitrust aspects of the case, Monsanto won an important victory in the underlying licensing case last week.  Article here; the court’s (Eastern District of Missouri) decision is available in pdf here.

The basic summary of the case is this (from the decision):

This matter comes before the Court on Plaintiffs’ Motion for Partial Judgment on the Pleadings and Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss Count II of Plaintiffs’ Complaint.

* * *

Monsanto brought the present action for breach of contract, patent infringement, inducement to infringe, and unjust enrichment, alleging that Pioneer violated Monsanto’s contractual and patent rights by producing [] stacked seed products.  Pioneer counterclaims for a declaratory judgment that the license agreements permit it to stack [].  Pioneer also asserts a number of antitrust counterclaims, alleging that Monsanto has abused its patent monopolies, has inserted anticompetitive restrictions into its license agreements with seed producers, and is attempting to employ an anticompetitive “switching strategy” by using new licensing agreements to shift independent seed companies from the current RR trait seed lines to Roundup Ready 2 Yield®, in order to prevent generic entry into the market and extend Monsanto’ patent protection through 2020.

* * *

Monsanto moves for partial judgment on the pleadings that: (1) the license agreements do not permit stacking of any non-RR glyphosate-tolerant traits with Monsanto’s [RR] traits; (2) Pioneer breached those agreements by [so] stacking; and (3) it is entitled to judgment in its favor on Pioneer’s counterclaim for a declaratory judgment that the license agreements permit this type of stacking. . . . Pioneer argues that the license agreements do permit [such] stacking.

We can dispense with Pioneer’s last counterclaim off the bat:  Monsanto announced toward the end of last year that it would not force (and, it claims, never planned to force) seed companies to switch to its new Roundup Ready seeds in anticipation of the expiration of the current Roundup Ready patent in 2014:

But in its letters this week, Monsanto said it would now extend all contracts for Roundup Ready 1 until the patent’s expiration date. It also said it would not enforce language in some contracts that would have required seed companies to destroy or return Roundup Ready seed when the patent expired.

Last week’s ruling explicitly did not reach Pioneer’s antitrust claims which are still alive.

But the ruling did support Monsanto in its basic case which centers around the field-of-use restriction described above.  And on this issue the court found in Monsanto’s favor, holding that the license did indeed contain a valid restriction against stacking of glyphosate-tolerant traits and that Monsanto may seek a remedy for violation of the restriction (if the agreements and patents are deemed enforceable, an issue not reached by the court’s decision) in contract.

The ruling is narrow in scope, but it’s an important victory for Monsanto in what is, at its core, a patent infringement/breach of contract case–not an antitrust case.  It is difficult to escape the conclusion, laid out on Monsanto’s web page here, that Pioneer resorted to stacking in an effort not to improve through synergy the overall glyphosate tolerance of its seeds but rather to patch over the relative  ineffectiveness of its own traits.  Monsanto has licensed its technology widely for use in products where its trait is combined with different traits from other companies (including, notably, competitors like Pioneer).  But for very good reasons (mainly protection of its brand), Monsanto imposes field of use restrictions on the coupling of its Roundup Ready trait with other companies’ traits that purport to perform the same function.  The court’s decision paves the way for Monsanto to thus enforce its property rights.  That this sensible restriction also forms the basis of Pioneer’s and others’ allegations of anticompetitive conduct is regrettable, and I hope the court and the DOJ are mindful of the error cost risks inherent in this kind of claim.

At the same time the ruling makes the underlying case harder for Pioneer and thus makes Pioneer’s antitrust counterlcaims more important to its ability to prevail.  I guess that means more fomenting of antitrust animosity against Monsanto is probably in the cards.

Posted in antitrust, business, contracts, intellectual property, law and economics, markets, patent, technology | Comments Off

The problem with paper payments

Posted by Geoffrey Manne on January 20, 2010

Jim Van Dyke (who contributed to our interchange symposium) has an interesting post up today recounting a brief glimpse of life without payment cards:

What would a day without payment cards be like? I had a glimpse into that just this morning, when my usual Bay Area morning routine of using my prepaid card to get a cup of Peet’s coffee and then check email and news was changed up by the coffee shop’s downed Internet connection. I was the store’s first customer for their 5:30 am opening, and the two young clerks were visibly nervous because they couldn’t take my merchant’s prepaid card and credit cards had to be processed with an old-school “knuckle-buster” device. From my usual seat in the corner I watched as the barista duo struggled to keep up with even the slightest trickle of customers, and the line of customers quickly backed up until the work crew doubled to four as sleepy-eyed and bed-headed backup workers arrived on the scene following emergency calls for their help. If we eliminated prepaid and credit cards, everything would change for merchants and retail customers. I’ve all but eliminated checks from my daily existence, but until I heard the now-unfamiliar sound of change jingling in my pocket I hadn’t realized how infrequently I use cash.

Now, there may be valid, empirical arguments that for some transactions cash is more efficient (see this post and comments for a brief discussion and for the key academic references).  And, of course, in the situation Jim describes, with time and regularity the burden of cash transactions would surely be reduced (the Second Law of Demand).  But the merchant-driven campaign against payment cards, in full recognition of the reality that making payment cards more expensive for consumers will lead to an increase in the use of cash and checks, is problematic.  For many, in fact, the move to cash is a feature, not a bug.  Suze Orman is (indignantly) leading a “Back to Cash Movement.”  Merchant advocacy groups tout cash and checks as a cheaper choice–for consumers–than credit cards.

But costs like the ones described by Jim in his post are not well-accounted for, as Todd Zywicki discussed in detail in his second interchange symposium post here.  Presumably the merchants who are advocating for greater use of cash in an effort to avoid interchange fees believe that the costs of cash born by merchants are less than interchange fees.  I’m not sure they are right given the costs to retailers of dealing with cash (from theft to accounting to transportation to security to employee time, etc., etc.), but let’s grant that revealed preference carries the debate (assuming the “back to cash” advocates really speak for all retailers . . . which is doubtful).  But what about the costs to consumers and taxpayers?  What about the costs of going to the ATM, maintaining precautionary checking account balances, budgeting without monthly statements, not having a float or access to consumer credit?  What about the huge and growing cost of not being able to engage in online commerce?  And what about the costs of increased tax evasion and enforcement, printing cash, protecting it, and transporting it?  Merchants are extremely critical of the cross-subsidy from cash customers to credit card customers they purport to see in the imposition of credit card interchange fees that raise retail prices for all consumers.  But what about the subsidy ofrom people with high time costs to those with low time costs when the costs of processing cash are imposed on all customers who have to wait in longer lines?

These costs may not be dispositive, but merchants and their advocates pretend like they don’t exist, and without knowing anything systematic about the magnitude or incidence of these (and many other) costs blithely advocate yet another round of government micromanagement of important parts of the economy.

Meanwhile, in the UK, banks are actually moving to eradicate paper checks completely:

There are many more efficient ways of making payments than by paper in the 21st century, and the time is ripe for the economy as a whole to reap the benefits of its replacement.

Posted in business, credit cards, economics, financial regulation, markets, personal finance | 3 Comments »

Gretchen Morgenson Calls for Greater Protection (?) of High-Risk Consumers of Credit

Posted by Thom Lambert on January 18, 2010

Gretchen Morgenson doesn’t want poor people to have access to consumer credit. At least, that’s what I think she’s saying in her rambling NYT column this week.

Congress and federal regulators have recently taken a number of actions that will make it tougher for riskier customers to access consumer credit. First there was the Credit Card Accountability Responsibility and Disclosure Act, which precludes issuers from charging fees for services like telephone payments, requires a number of disclosures and advanced warnings, and makes it harder for issuers to raise interest rates and charge over-limit fees. Then there are the new Fed regulations set to go into effect next month. Those rules, which implement the Credit Card Act, preclude credit card issuers from raising interest rates for the ensuing twelve months after an account is opened, and then only on new charges, not on existing balances. By limiting an issuer’s ability to reprice credit based on changes in a customer’s risk profile, the Credit Card Act and Fed rules will make it harder for risky consumers to access consumer credit.

But all these things aren’t enough for Ms. Morgenson. She’s upset that issuers catering to higher-risk consumers are finding other sources of revenue:

An example is Alliance Data Systems, a big issuer of private-label credit cards like those that specialty stores offer. It has decided to levy a $1 monthly surcharge to customers who choose to receive account statements by mail. Proof, yet again, that if you close the door, they will come in through the window. And if you close the window, they blow through the door.

Ms. Morgenson sees Alliance’s $1 charge for assembling, printing, and mailing a paper bill (as opposed to posting the bill on the Internet) as inconsistent with the thrust of the new Fed regulations and the Credit Card Act, and she calls on regulators to “pursue companies flouting the spirit or the letter of the new rules.” Never mind that the small and seemingly justified charge is consistent with the actual terms (as opposed to the amorphous “spirit”) of the new regulations. Never mind also that those new rules have effectively forced Alliance to impose this slight charge if it wants to continue servicing high-risk consumers without raising interest rates. Indeed, Ms. Morgenson recognizes that Alliance caters to riskier customers and is generally compensated via penalty fees rather than higher interest rates:

William Ryan, an analyst at Portales Partners in New York, said the $1 statement fee wasn’t a surprise, given Alliance’s business model. “A disproportionate part of Alliance Data Systems’ yield comes from penalty fees,” he said, “so by default they would be more proportionately impacted by the Credit Card Act than an American Express that caters to higher-end customers.”

Ms. Morgenson thus seems to acknowledge that if the law is enforced as she’d prefer an issuer like Alliance must either charge higher interest rates or up-front service fees, cater exclusively to higher-end customers (a la American Express), or shut down. (She might say that Alliance could also just reduce its revenues, but doing so would probably drive its capital elsewhere.) All these options would make it harder for poorer and riskier consumers to access consumer credit.

But that doesn’t bother Ms. Morgenson. She admits that she prefers a paternalistic “nanny state” to “the pirate state that brought this economy to its knees.” I wonder if the high-risk consumers she’s trying to protect share her views?

Posted in business, contracts, credit cards, financial regulation, regulation | 1 Comment »

Antitrust in Russia

Posted by Josh Wright on January 18, 2010

I will be doing a series of talks in Moscow and Kiev over the next several days on antitrust issues in light of the new Russian trade law, which includes a number of restrictions on vertical contractual arrangements between suppliers and retailers.   Blogging will likely be light, but if anybody has advice on things to do (and eat) in Moscow in particular, please send me an email.

Posted in antitrust | 1 Comment »

Shocking

Posted by Josh Wright on January 18, 2010

Law professors confess, at least when their own money is at stake, that demand curves slope downward.

Posted in musings | Comments Off

The NFL As A Single Firm?

Posted by Michael Sykuta on January 13, 2010

When I first read Josh’s post of antitrust links below, I thought “Drew Brees? Surely not THAT Drew Brees.”  Turns out, it IS that Drew Brees. I was very interested to read the QB’s take on American Needle and his plead for the Supreme Court to reject the NFL’s petition to be deemed “a single entity.”  However, of even more interest to me was Brees’ comment that the NFL is petitioning for a “single entity” designation that would, according to Brees, apply “for pretty much everything the league does.”

I wrote a paper (here) with Ken Lehn several years ago examining the issue of antitrust and franchise relocation in the NFL in the wake of L.A. Memorial Colisuem Commission v. National Football League, et al. (1984), more commonly referred to as the Oakland Raiders case.  This antitrust case resulted from the NFL’s refusal to permit the Oakland Raiders franchise to move from Oakland to LA. The key finding in the Court’s decision against the NFL was that the NFL was not a single entity.  The NFL had argued that it was a single entity and therefore incapable of “conspiracy;” the same logic used by the courts to reject an antitrust claim against the National Hockey League in one of its own franchise relocation disputes (San Francisco Seals, 1974).

Ken and I took issue with both the Raiders finding concerning the single entity argument and the court’s understanding (or misunderstanding) of the consumer welfare effects of the NFL’s territorial restrictions.  Drawing on the organizational economics literature concerning incentives and franchises, we made several arguments concerning the important incentives such territorial restrictions provide when revenues are shared but (local) costs are not. We then provided empirical evidence to demonstrate that both the Raiders and the LA Rams did in fact seem to underinvest in quality of their respective franchises after the Raiders moved to LA, ultimately resulting in no NFL team in one of the largest media markets in the US.

So I would have to suggest that, at least for franchise relocation decisions, the NFL should in fact be considered a single entity and some of its other restraining practices are actually pro-competitive (or certainly welfare enhancing). As for American Needle, I haven’t yet read all the facts, but I suspect there are compelling economic reasons for a single-entity decision there as well, particularly given the revenue sharing rules that govern the NFL.

Regardless, I would suggest Mr. Brees use a little more caution in his arguments. Something about pots calling kettles black, and all that. Having reviewed at least one (publicly available) licensing agreement in the CORI K-Base between the National Football League Players Association and one of the popular sports memorabilia companies, a good case could be made using Mr. Brees’ reasoning that the NFLPA is violating antitrust law both in its Group Licensing Rights program and its restrictions against licensees negotiating contracts with any NFL players, or even potential NFL players, who are not (yet) part of the NFLPA’s group license.  I don’t know how far the NFLPA’s antitrust immunity as a labor union may extend beyond the labor market for football players.

Posted in antitrust, contracts, markets, sports, Sykuta | 4 Comments »

Some Antitrust Links

Posted by Josh Wright on January 11, 2010

  • Drew Brees on American Needle (HT: Antitrust Review)
  • Is the DOJ gearing up to litigate Ticketmaster-Live Nation?  (my favorite quote comes from this linked article: “Politically, you wouldn’t get in trouble for challenging the deal because everyone hates it, but articulating an antitrust theory is more difficult”)
  • A wrap up of ACP’s Section 5/ Intel symposium
  • Judge Patel rejects RealNetworks’ antitrust claims against the studios (link)

Posted in antitrust | 1 Comment »

Evading Section Two, Two Ways: The Commission's Cases Against McCormick and Intel

Posted by Josh Wright on January 9, 2010

Yesterday, in my contribution to the Antitrust & Competition Policy Blog’s Section 5 symposium, I discussed the FTC’s use of Section 5 to evade the tough standards facing plaintiffs bringing Section 2 claims and how that evasion was likely to cost consumers by stripping out the error-cost protections embedded in modern monopolization law.  I also argued that the Commission’s various justifications for bringing the case under Section 5 were both unpersuasive and unprincipled.  Some of the justifications are to do with the general trend towards favoring Section 5 as a stand alone authority, others rely on the institutional expertise of the Commission relative to judges in federal district court, and still others on the nature of competition in the microprocessor market, e.g. Commissioner Rosch’s claim that the difficulty in distinguishing harm to competitors from harm to competition in this setting supports a Section 5 case.

These purported justifications got me thinking.  There are competing theories of the Commission’s reliance on Section 5.  One is that the choice of statute is driven by dissatisfaction with the error cost protections afforded consumers by demanding rigorous proof of consumer harm under Section 2, the appeal of the evading those requirements, and the various procedural benefits of keeping things “in house.”  The other school of thought is that the Commission, in cases like Intel, is taking a principled approach wherein some features of the Intel case (as Commissioner Rosch argues)  favor application of Section 5.  I’ve already tipped my hand here somewhat that I think the proffered justifications don’t carry much water.  But what would be really nice support for the Commission’s argument is that in similar cases involving vigorous competition between a dominant player and challenging incumbent, involving the same sort of loyalty discounts and market share discounts as the contracts forming the basis of the Intel complaint, the Commission invoked Section 5 on similar reasoning.

So when else has the Commission, faced with business practices involving aggressive competition for distribution, including market share discounts, turned to a less stringent statutory authority than Section 2?

FTC v. McCormick. The similarities between McCormick and Intel are interesting.  Both involve competition for distribution.  Both suppliers arguably have monopoly power in plausible relevant antitrust markets.  Further, the conduct in each case involves  “market share discounts,” or contracts that conditioned the granting of discounts on retail distributors agreeing to commit high percentages of their shelf space to McCormick spice products.  In McCormick’s case, in response to a vigorous price war with its leading rival Burns, McCormick offered significant discounts to its retailers in exchange for shelf space commitments approaching 90 percent in some cases.  Like Intel, the contracts at issue appear to be just a small fraction of the total market.  In McCormick, for example, out of 2000 or so contracts with retailers, the Commission focused on a handful: “in no fewer than five instances . .. by providing different deal rates consisting of preferential upfront ‘slotting’-type payments or allowances, discounts, rebates, deductions, free goods, or other financial benefits to some purchasers of McCormick products including, but not limited to, McCormick’s spice line.”   The FTC’s Complaint against McCormick, like the Complaint against Intel, reads like a conventional monopolization claim:

McCormick has commonly included provisions that, much as is sometimes seen with slotting allowances, restrict the ability of customers to deal in the products of competing spice suppliers. Such provisions typically demand that the customer allocate the large majority of the space devoted to spice products – in some case 90% of all shelf space devoted to packaged spices, herbs, seasonings and flavorings of the kinds offered by McCormick – to McCormick.

So what did the Commission do in McCormick?  Did it bring the case under Section 2?  Section 5?  Or even under a primary-line Robinson-Patman Act claim that would have also required the Commission to meet the stringent Brooke Group requirements?  Nope.  Instead, over the dissent of two Commissioners, McCormick ultimately agreed to a consent order with the FTC preventing its use of discriminatory prices between retailers, i.e. secondary-line injury under the Robinson-Patman Act which required no actual showing of loss of consumer welfare.

In my paper on Antitrust Law and Competition for Distribution, I criticized the FTC for bringing (and extracting the settlement) McCormick under the discredited Robinson-Patman Act at all, but even more worthy of criticism was the decision to evade the traditional consumer welfare standards in favor of the secondary-line injury theory which required no such proof:

The availability of the Act’s weaker standard suggests a backdoor for plaintiffs unable to meet the more stringent burden of proving competitive injury in a monopolization or primary-line claim. While it is doubtful that the FTC’s prosecution of McCormick represents a revitalization of the Act, the prosecution does create uncertainty for manufacturers in the growing number of industries relying on retailer promotional effort and product placement for sales.

Sound familiar?  Here is what I wrote about the Commission’s more recent invocation of a weaker substantive standard when it is unlikely to prevail under Section 2:

The Section 5 enforcement action will cost consumers (win or lose) in at least two ways.  The first is that Commission will expend significant resources litigating a case with Intel involving conduct that has already been limited by a private settlement, exploiting resources that could be used to tackle other (error-cost justified) problems.  The second is that the Commission’s invocation of (and awkward justification for) Section 5 will result in uncertainty which will chill some pro-competitive conduct, including discounting behavior by firms in high-tech industries and across the economy.

Whatever one thinks about the competitive merits of Intel’s underlying conduct, the Commission’s use of Section 5 should be seen for what it is: an attempt to evade requirements to demonstrate consumer harm under Section 2 that exist to protect consumers from the social costs of false positives.  Such an approach is bound to harm competition and consumers in the long run because it gives the Commission the option to apply its “watered down” standard to whatever business conduct it views as potentially problematic.  This approach is a recipe for Type I error and should be rejected by fans of consumer-welfare based antitrust policy.

The justifications offered for bringing McCormick under the Robinson-Patman Act, like the justifications offered for bringing Intel under Section 5, are not persuasive.  And in my view, the fact that the FTC brought claims in these two cases involving very similar conduct under two different statutes over a ten year span suggests to me that the Commission does not have a coherent analytical theory of its approach to competition for distribution cases.  So why the RP Act in McCormick and Section 5 in Intel?  My suspicion is that on the one hand the current debate surrounding the appropriate scope of Section 5 had the Commission looking for a good, high profile case to test its Section 5 authority, write an “expert” Commission opinion on the subject and attempt to persuade the federal court of appeals that eventually hears the case about the right approach to loyalty discounts under Section 2 and 5.  On the other hand, the Robinson-Patman Act has only become increasingly discredited since McCormick in 2000 with the AMC repeal recommendation.  But I remain unpersuaded that the Commission’s choice to bring the case under its Section 5 authority is a principled one.

To borrow and put a twist a line from Justice Potter Stewart, the only consistency I can find in the Commission’s approach to competition for distribution and market share discounts is that it chooses to avoid Section 2!

Posted in antitrust, economics, federal trade commission | Comments Off

The case against the section 5 case against Intel, redux (cross-posted)

Posted by Geoffrey Manne on January 8, 2010

As Josh noted in cross-posting his comment on Section 5 and Intel, Antitrust & Competition Policy Blog is hosting a symposium on the role of FTC Act Section 5 in light of Intel.  Josh’s contribution at AC&P is available here, along with the other symposium participants.  I, too, have contributed a post, likewise cross-posted here.  At the end of my post (below) I also add a comment on Dan Crane’s post at AC&P–I tried to post it there but seem to have failed miserably.

The FTC should be ashamed

Seriously.  What interpretation of events is there other than that the FTC knew it could not prevail in a Section 2 case and decided to go in search of a back-up?  Commissioners Rosch and Leibowitz have been making noise about Section 5 for some time, and this seemed like the perfect opportunity to put it to the test—to make some new law that would favor the Commission in cases like this one where it “knows” there is injury but the Section 2 case law makes prevailing difficult nonetheless.  They have “found” their case, and Intel, its shareholders, consumers and competition generally will suffer mightily for their hubris.

Chairman Leibowitz’ defense of the use of Section 5 is, quite frankly, astonishingly disingenuous.  First is the implicit defense I mention above—“hey, we can’t win under settled law [I guess repudiating the Section 2 Report just wasn’t enough. Bummer.-ed.] so let’s make some new law.  We are doing good after all, and if the law stands in our way, we should find a way around.”  Commissioner Rosch has made similar noises in the past.  I find this degree of hubris to be appalling and dangerous.

Second is the remarkable claim that Section 2 is a problem only because courts have taken its teeth away only because of abusive private litigation process—and the FTC is not susceptible to those process problems, so an emasculated Section 2 should not constrain the FTC.  There is so much wrong with this.  Section 2 jurisprudence and a concern for error costs is about substantive error as well as procedural imbalance; I’d even say it is more about the former.  Read any Section 2 case and the entirety of the decision (Microsoft, for example) is about how, as a matter of substance, we can be sure we’re getting it right in assessing speculative harms.  Of course there is a background procedural element that tips or rights the scales, but the claim that this is entirely what Section 2 jurisprudence is about is ridiculous on its face.  For the FTC to claim that it should not be bound by the substantive, economically-sensible limits of antitrust that courts have developed in their jurisprudence is for the FTC to claim that it is simply above the law—and the economics.  And I would be interested in seeing any case-law precedent for the claim that Section 2 jurisprudence is all about reining in private litigation and not about getting the economics right.

We’ve seen this kind of hubris before—when antitrust enforcers have pursued tenuous and costly cases despite massive uncertainty and copious conflicting evidence:  IBM and Microsoft come to mind.  I still relish Larry Lessig’s admission that he “blew it on Microsoft” because he couldn’t anticipate the future—a future that Microsoft told him and the court was inevitable and coming quickly.  Now we have Commissioner Rosch’s essentially-unmoored reading of Section 5 to support another speculative case—this time one almost certain otherwise to fail under the current law.  It is a disaster in the making not only for Intel but for the economy generally if the Rosch/Leibowitz reading of and approach to Section 5 takes off.

___

My comment on Dan Crane’s post responds to his claim that there is, in fact, a role for Section 5 “independence” rooted in the FTC’s institutional comparative advantage in certain areas over that of private litigants.  Dan writes:

In my forthcoming white paper, I articulate principles–based in the Commission’s comparative institutional advantages–for when it should and should not declare Section 5 independence. To give just one example here, much of the case law on Section 5 suggests that the Commission may have prophylactic powers in cases of incipient conduct.

Perhaps this is because the Commission is better than the courts at predicting likely effects of emerging market forces. But such a justification cannot possibly serve in Intel, since the conduct at issue has been in play for over a decade.

In short, while I strongly support separating Section 5 from the Sherman Act, great care has to be taken to pick the right cases for making the arguments. Intel–a high-profile case with punitive and drastic proposed remedies entailing conduct paradigmatically covered by the Sherman Act–is the wrong case.

My response:

Dan:  I’m torn. I agree with your criticisms of Leibowitz’s and Rosch’s lame justifications for use of Section 5 in this case, but I disagree that there is really any strong justification for the public/private separation you advocate (I’ll await your article for more extensive comment . . . ). But you mention the possibility (for other cases, not here) that the FTC could be better than the courts at predicting emerging market forces. In the first place, I’m curious why you think that or what evidence you have to support the claim. But more important, even if true, why isn’t it perfectly applicable here? Who cares that the conduct has been going on for a decade? Today there are “emerging market forces” that may or may not have existed the last 10 years. By your own claim, the FTC may be better at anticipating these. Just because the conduct has been going on for 10 years does not mean that the market conditions have remained the same, and today is a new day with new emerging market forces. Thus, it seems to me, if you want to claim that the FTC’s alleged better ability to predict emerging market forces justifies use of Section 5, you are providing justification for this use of Section 5.

Posted in antitrust, federal trade commission, law and economics, markets, regulation, technology | 2 Comments »

David Evans Makes the Case Against Revamping Consumer Protection

Posted by Josh Wright on January 7, 2010

Economist, co-author, and sometimes TOTM guest David Evans (UCL, University of Chicago School of Law) has an excellent note on “Why Now is Not the Right Time To Revamp Consumer Protection,” based on remarks made at the New York Federal Reserve Board-New York University Conference on Regulating Consumer Financial Products yesterday in New York.  Evans makes some of the points we discuss in our joint work criticizing the intellectual basis for the Consumer Financial Protection Agency, but also offers a concise and powerful case against “revamping” consumer protection too hastily, or without attention to the institutional details or the economic evidence.  Geoff’s post the other day on credit card regulation, for example, points out precisely the types of harmful errors that can be made on “behalf” of consumers when invoking the behavioral economics literature without analyzing it (or the related empirical evidence) closely. Evans makes six essential points — and I’m excerpting here — but I suggest readers check out the whole thing:

First, the Treasury Department proposed a sweeping overhaul of consumer protection for financial services for the wrong reasons. It is widely reported that the Administration pushed consumer financial protection legislation because they thought it would be the “locomotive that would drive financial reform.” The idea is that the folks back home couldn’t get why their representatives would be working on obscure things like clearing houses for credit default swaps. But they could connect with plain old consumer protection. Hey, who wouldn’t want to be protected? Since we’re not in DC perhaps I won’t be laughed out of the room for saying this is pretty cynical.

Second, Treasury wrapped consumer protection in the flag of the financial crisis. Yet there is no credible evidence that failures in the current system were a significant factor in causing the financial crisis. Many of the consumer protection problems that people point to are mainly the result of our collective delusion—the madness of the crowds—that housing prices would go up forever. There are numerous accounts of the causes of the financial crisis from varying ideological perspectives. Not one of them that I know of blames the financial crisis on failed consumer protection.

Third, instead of being the locomotive for financial reform, consumer protection has deflected attention from problems that really were at the heart of the financial crisis. Remarkably, the Administration proposed no significant reforms of Fannie and Freddie. The Administration came forward with nothing on dealing with the credit rating agencies. There’s widespread support among economists for introducing competition into that business… .

Fourth, the Treasury Department and Congress have proposed this sweeping overhaul of the lending industry at just about the worst possible time. A massive credit crunch is holding back the economy. New businesses that drive most of the job growth in the economy can’t get loans. Small businesses have had their credit lines slashed. Consumers who need to borrow money can’t. Now is the time to focus on policies to encourage lending. It is not the time to impose a new layer of regulations and costs that will make it more expensive and legally risky for financial institutions to lend money to people and businesses who want to borrow it….

Fifth, instead of dealing with financial reform and getting ourselves out of the economic crisis it looks like a lot of energy is going to be spent on the CFPA bill. So let’s talk about the merits of the proposals. The CFPA is the brainchild of several law professors including Professor Warren who spoke at lunchtime. If you look at the articles that they have written you will see that the proposed CFPA is based on three propositions …. .

Here’s my sixth and final point. If we are going to have a single consumer financial protection agency I would give it to the Federal Trade Commission. They are a well run government agency, have significant expertise in consumer protection, and have first-rate economists….

On the reliance on behavioral law and economics providing the intellectual foundation for the CFPA, Evans notes:

I’m a fan of behavioral economics. However, much of the work that proponents of the CFPA rely on is based on studies that find that consumers are shortsighted in a particular technical sense known as hyperbolic discounting. Recent work has found that those studies confused shortsightedness with risk aversion. People act in ways that seem impulsive and shortsighted mainly, it seems, because bird in hand is better than two in bush. As a result I don’t believe we have a sound basis at least at this time for moving from regulations that are based on market failures in the provision of information (the intellectual basis for the current system) to market failures based on people making systematically stupid or shortsighted decisions (the intellectual basis for the new regime). The behavioral economics field has produced a rich and interesting theoretical and empirical literature. One should exercise caution, however, in unleashing these “new products” on the American consumer before they are more fully tested and vetted.

And consider the following fun anecdotal account of precisely the problems with authorizing (or requiring) a federal agency to design credit card products on the assumption that regulators are better situated than consumers to make these decisions:

Professor Warren’s lunchtime discussion of her venture into developing a new credit card deserves some mention here. As I understood it she and her colleagues had developed a “clean card”—one that did not have any fees besides an annual fee an APR—and at least got some banks excited about considering it. They soon learned that banks couldn’t introduce the card profitably. She also mentioned that Citi had introduced a more “consumer friendly” card and gotten a lot of great PR out of it. They eventually pulled it from the market because few consumers wanted it. So Professor Warren sees a problem. Banks can’t make money from a “good card” (I think that her explanation is that one bank can’t unless others also offer it) and consumers won’t take a “good card” (I think the story her goes back to our mental deficiencies). So regulation is needed. I find this very worrisome. I don’t believe that even extremely smart and well-intentioned people such as Professor Warren should be put in the position of telling—or prodding—businesses to offer products they don’t want to offer to consumers who don’t want to take them. The CFPA Act put forward by the Administration was set up to do just that.

If you are looking for a short and concise statement of the case against the consumer protection revolution, this is it.

Posted in blogging, credit cards, federal trade commission | Comments Off

 
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