Truth on the Market

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Archive for March, 2008

Tulane Corporate Law Institute

Posted by Elizabeth Nowicki on March 21, 2008

Tulane’s annual “Corporate Law Institute” is coming up!  The conference – widely viewed as the must-attend deal conference of the year is April 3 and 4 (only two weeks away).

The roster for this year’s conference reads like a who’s who of the deal world, with a range of Delaware jurists, investment bankers, top lawyers, and Wall Street media on the two days worth of panels.

The conference, which is organized by practitioners (not Tulane folks), was started twenty years ago by former Delaware jurist and Tulane Law alum former Justice Andrew Moore.  (As you corporate law wonks know, Justice Moore wrote several of the big takeover opinions from Delaware in the mid-1980s.  Many in the corporate law world were scandalized when Justice Moore was not reappointed when his term expired, but, based on the takeover opinions he penned, those of us who are cynical about just how political and pro-defendant Delaware tries to be were not surprised.)  Justice Moore will be making an appearance on the 20th year retrospective panel at the Tulane conference.

The conference should be stupendous, and I hope those of you who are reading this and will be attending the conference will make it your business to introduce yourselves to me.  I will be on the private equity panel on Friday, but I will be attending both days of the conference in full.

The specifics of the conference are here.

Posted in administrative, announcements, corporate law, mergers & acquisitions | Comments Off

Are the Roberts Court Antitrust Decisions Really Pro-Business?

Posted by Josh Wright on March 20, 2008

I’m a bit late to the party on Jeffrey Rosen’s provocative article in the NY Times Magazine claiming that the Supreme Court is biased in favor of businesses. For readers not familiar with Rosen’s claim, the basic assertion is that:

With their pro-business jurisprudence, the justices may be capturing an emerging spirit of agreement among liberal and conservative elites about the value of free markets.

Eric Posner’s insightful response hits the nail on the head in critiquing Rosen’s characterization for lack of evidence and exposing Rosen’s implicit assumption that populist jurisprudence is the “unbiased” baseline. I want to focus in the role of the Roberts Court antitrust cases in Rosen’s claim. Rosen cites to these cases as evidence in favor of his bias claim, noting the significant increase in antitrust activity in the Court in recent years and emphasizing the fact that “the Roberts Court has heard seven [cases] in its first two terms – and all of them were decided in favor of the corporate defendants.”

So what are we to make out of these cases? Are the Roberts Court cases really pro-business? Rosen’s “pro-business bias” claim is analytically identical to Erwin Chemerinsky’s take on the Supreme Court cases that I criticized here awhile back (Chemerinsky concluded that the Supreme Court’s antitrust decisions favored “businesses over consumers”). It is also identically incorrect.

Posner gives one excellent reason in his response when he notes that 6 out of the 7 Roberts Court cases involve businesses as both plaintiffs and defendant. Only Twombly involved consumer plaintiffs (and Credit Suisse involved a mixed class of plaintiffs including corporate investors). As Posner notes, it is a bit of a reach to credibly claim “pro-business bias” on this track record where a corporate plaintiff loses in the majority of the cases.

But there is another reason that this “pro-business bias” argument should be dismissed as incorrect with respect to the antitrust cases despite the superficial and soundbyte style argument that a winning streak for defendants is a sufficient condition for anti-consumer bias. I’ve argued elsewhere at length that the Roberts Court’s antitrust jurisprudence can be characterized as embracing the Chicago School tradition of antitrust analysis with its emphasis on theoretical rigor, empirical evidence, and sensitivity to error costs. To the extent that this is consistent with the view that the Roberts Court’s antitrust cases are increasingly “pro-market,” there is an important difference between that statement and the leap to “biased in favor of businesses over consumers!”

The 5-4 decision in to overrule Dr. Miles’ per se prohibition against minimum resale price maintenance in Leegin provides an illustration of that difference in practice. Is Leegin pro-business? Quite obviously, we would need to know something about whether minimum RPM is good or bad for consumers before we concluded that lifting the per se prohibition was a good or bad thing. A Supreme Court interested in consumer welfare analysis (what antitrust does) would be interested in the competitive effects of minimum RPM in order to address the underlying issue: are consumers better or worse off when we allow the practice? A Supreme Court biased in favor of business would have no need at all for that sort of inquiry. But Justice Kennedy’s opinion on behalf of the majority relies extensively on economic theory and empirical evidence that minimum resale price maintenance made consumers better off! Now, one might think that the Court got it wrong, misunderstands the evidence, and that RPM actually harms consumers. For the record, I disagree and believe Leegin was correctly decided. But to argue that the Court got there by favoring business over consumers is not accurate, and obvious from reading the opinion.

What about Twombly? The one case which involves a consumer plaintiff. Is Twombly biased in favor of businesses? It certainly makes it more difficult for plaintiffs to survive a motion to dismiss in a Section 1 case. But is that anti-consumer? Again, only under a superficial analysis of the reasoning in that case. Specifically, the Court is concerned that abuse of the antitrust laws through discovery and frivolous claims exposes firms to the risk of false positives and may chill pro-competitive conduct — which is bad for consumers. One might disagree with these concerns, or believe that the Court misunderstands their magnitude or impact on consumers. But the Court explicitly motivates its analysis with concern about the social costs of abuses of private antitrust enforcement which are passed on to consumers. Similar concerns motivated the Court’s analysis in Credit Suisse. To argue that this conclusion comes from some sort of pro-business bias is a stretch.

We could do this with the rest of the cases. There is clearly a shift in antitrust analysis in the Supreme Court both in terms of activity level and, to a lesser extent, the analytical framework employed. The adoption of the Chicago School of antitrust analysis principles is not properly viewed as a pro-business bias. In fact, it was contributions from that movement in economics that demonstrated why some business practices previously thought to be inefficient actually improved consumer welfare. Subsequent empirical evidence has been overwhelmingly consistent with this approach. I don’t have enough expertise in the other areas of law that Rosen covers to say something about the general claim, though I suspect Posner’s characterization is correct. With respect to the antitrust cases, the Roberts Court decisions have been thoughtful and mindful of the ultimate goal of antitrust: consumer welfare. The conclusion that these cases are biased must rely on some implicit assumption that there is an “unbiased” baseline approach to these cases that does not involve consumer welfare analysis. At least for the past 30 years, and to the benefit of consumers, modern antitrust analysis has rejected alternative approaches that favor small businesses (“small dealers and worthy men”) or non-economic concerns.

Posted in antitrust, business, economics | Comments Off

Public Choice and the Law Textbook

Posted by Josh Wright on March 20, 2008

Todd Zywicki and Maxwell Stearns have a draft of their new textbook, “Public Choice Concepts and Applications in the Law,” available for review for profs that are interested in teaching with the manuscript this Fall 2008 or Spring 2009 term (the book is due to be published in 2009).  The book is designed for law profs along with “teachers of economics, political science, and public policy courses as well … and to be taught as either a follow-on to a traditional law and economics course or as a substitute for a traditional law and economics course.”  Zywicki & Stearns description of the project and invitation for those interested in early adoption to view the current manuscript is below the fold.

Read the rest of this entry »

Posted in announcements, economics, law school, markets, regulation, universities | Comments Off

Some Antitrust Links

Posted by Josh Wright on March 20, 2008

    • The new Global Competition Policy online magazine contains some insightful commentary on the Google/ Doubleclick clearance, critical loss analysis in Whole Foods (from Kevin Murphy and Robert Topel) and more generally (from Greg Werden), as well as competing reactions to the Intel antitrust allegations …
    • The Supreme Court did not grant cert in Microsoft v. Novell, letting stand a lower court decision which allowed Novell to sue Microsoft despite not competing in the operating system market
    • In textbook news, the Third Edition of the Gavil, Kovacic and Baker’s Antitrust Law in Perspective is estimated to be available by May 22, 2008; Einer Elhauge has also just released his own new textbook on U.S. Antitrust Law and Economics with Foundation Press (reportedly available by April 22).
    • Chairman Majoras’ opening remarks at the FTC/DOJ program on international technical assistance

    Posted in antitrust | Comments Off

    All We Are Saying Is Give PeaceHealth a Chance.

    Posted by Thom Lambert on March 13, 2008

    Josh had a characteristically thoughtful post last week on safe harbors for loyalty and bundled discounts. I didn’t comment on the post, with which I generally agree, because I was busy writing an amicus brief (also signed by Dan Crane, Richard Epstein, Tom Morgan, and Danny Sokol) in an attempt to preserve a different safe harbor for bundled discounts. That’s the safe harbor created by the Ninth Circuit’s recent PeaceHealth decision (discussed here). PeaceHealth held that

    To prove a bundled discount was exclusionary or predatory for the purposes of a monopolization or attempted monopolization claim under Section 2 of the Sherman Act, the plaintiff must establish that, after allocating the discount given by the defendant on the entire bundle of products to the competitive product or products, the defendant sold the competitive product or products below its average variable cost of producing them.

    That is an eminently sensible holding. Bundled discounts — discounts conditioned upon purchasing a group of different products from the discounter (think meal deals, Internet/phone/cable bundles) — are pervasive, involve an immediate consumer benefit (lower prices), and are usually procompetitive. Like other price cuts, they should be condemned only when they have the potential to drive equally efficient rivals from the discounter’s market. With single-product discounts, we identify price-cuts that have such anticompetitive potential by asking whether they result in prices below the discounter’s cost of production; if not, they could be matched by any equally efficient rival willing to engage in aggressive price competition.

    With bundled (or package) discounts, we may need to look a little harder. In theory at least, a bundled discount that results in above-cost pricing (for the whole bundle) may exclude equally efficient rivals that sell a narrower line of products. Consider, for example, a manufacturer (“MultiCo”) that sells both shampoo and conditioner and competes against another manufacturer (“SingleCo”) that sells only shampoo. SingleCo, the more efficient shampoo manufacturer, can produce a bottle of shampoo for $1.25. It costs MultiCo $1.50 to produce a bottle of shampoo and $2.50 to produce a bottle of conditioner. If purchased separately, MultiCo charges $2.00 for shampoo and $4.00 for conditioner ($6.00 total), but if the consumer purchases both products at once, MultiCo will sell the combination for $5.00. That $1.00 bundled discount results in a price that is $1.00 greater than MultiCo’s cost for the two products ($4.00). Nonetheless, the above-cost bundled discount could exclude SingleCo. SingleCo could stay in the market only if it charged no more than $1.00 for shampoo (so that a consumer’s total price of SingleCo’s shampoo and MultiCo’s conditioner would not exceed $5.00, MultiCo’s package price), but SingleCo’s marginal cost of producing shampoo is $1.25. Accordingly, MultiCo’s bundled discount could eliminate SingleCo as a competitor even though (1) SingleCo is the more efficient producer and (2) MultiCo’s discounted price is above its cost of producing the bundle. The upshot is that we may underdeter if we immunize all bundled discounts that result in an above-cost price for the entire bundle.

    But there’s no way the more conservative safe harbor announced in PeaceHealth could immunize anticompetitive discounts. If a challenged bundled discount doesn’t result in below-cost pricing after the entire amount of the bundled discount is attributed to the product or products the defendant discounter sells in competition with the plaintiff, then the plaintiff — if it’s as efficient as the defendant — could meet the defendant’s discount by lowering its price to some above-cost level (or to cost). For example, if MultiCo were to sell its shampoo/conditioner package for $5.50 (50 cents less than the aggregate price of the products sold separately), any equally efficient shampoo producer (producing at $1.50 per bottle) could compete by lowering its price to its cost: A customer could buy that company’s shampoo ($1.50) and MultiCo’s conditioner ($4.00) for the same total price as MultiCo’s bundle.

    In short, any plaintiff driven out of business by a discount that passes muster under PeaceHealth’s “discount attribution” test would have to be either (1) less efficient than the discounter, or (2) unwilling to engage in vigorous price competition. Antitrust shouldn’t thwart consumer-friendly discounts in order to create price umbrellas for inefficient competitors or to indulge rivals that won’t lower price to the level of cost. Accordingly, no plaintiff should prevail on a bundled discount challenge unless it can make the discount attribution showing required by PeaceHealth.

    In its appeal, Masimo is arguing that the court should permit it to attack Tyco’s bundled discounts on a de facto exclusive dealing theory even though it can’t prove that Tyco engaged in below-cost pricing under PeaceHealth’s discount attribution test. Masimo (along with supporting amici the Consumer Federation of America and the Medical Device Manufacturers Association) contends that PeaceHealth’s safe harbor applies only in “price competition” cases, not in cases involving de facto exclusive dealing.

    That makes no sense. Masimo’s de facto exclusive dealing theory is that Tyco’s bundled discounts — though involving no express promises of exclusivity (otherwise the exclusive dealing wouldn’t be “de facto”) — were so successful that they had the effect of inducing purchasers to buy exclusively from Tyco, thereby foreclosing Masimo from the market. But this just means that Tyco succeeded in attracting customers (usurping them from Masimo, among others) via low prices. Because low pricing is the very mechanism by which any “exclusivity” (and, hence, any market foreclosure) is achieved in a de facto exclusive dealing claim based on bundled discounts, every such claim is ultimately a “price competition” claim, falling squarely within PeaceHealth’s ambit.

    The Ninth Circuit did the right thing in PeaceHealth. It provided businesses with much-needed guidance by recognizing a conservative safe harbor from which anticompetitive harm cannot flow. Masimo’s position threatens that safe harbor. It would allow plaintiffs to evade the procompetitive protections of PeaceHealth by attaching a new legal label (de facto exclusive dealing, de facto tying, unspecified “exclusionary conduct”) to challenge otherwise indistinguishable conduct. Potential defendants, knowing that plaintiffs may be able to avoid summary disposition of bundled discount claims by creative labeling, would likely respond by avoiding otherwise procompetitive bundled discounts (and the prospects of an adverse treble damages verdict) altogether. Consumers, who generally benefit from bundled discounts, would suffer.

    If antitrust is to be a sensible enterprise, the question should not be “What label has plaintiff affixed to its claim?”, but rather “Is the behavior of which plaintiff complains likely to impair competition?” When it comes to bundled discounts — which generally reflect (or promote) cost-savings and which provide an immediate benefit to consumers — there can be no anticompetitive harm if there are no express exclusionary covenants and the competitive product is priced above the defendant’s cost once the entire discount is attributed to that product. Accordingly, the Ninth Circuit should decline Masimo’s invitation to turn the law of bundled discounting into the antitrust version of Greek mythology’s many-headed Hydra. Doing so would simply chill bundled discounts, to the detriment of consumers.

    Posted in antitrust, law and economics, markets, regulation | Comments Off

    New York State Governor Eliot Spitzer Will Resign

    Posted by Elizabeth Nowicki on March 12, 2008

    The news has just broken that New York State Governor Eliot Spitzer intends to resign on Monday.  This means that Lieutenant Governor, David Paterson, a relative unknown, will become the governor of New York State. More importantly, this means Joe Bruno, New York State Senate Majority Leader, will be tapped to “perform all the duties of lieutenant governor,” as per Article IV, Section 6 of the New York State Constitution.  (Many thanks to Marc Hodak for that most helpful citation (and correction to my earlier posting).)Â

    And here’s the rub – Bruno is Republican; Paterson and Spitzer are Democrats.  Moreover, Bruno was been very obviously and very painfully at odds with Spitzer.  Bruno’s ascension, then, is interesting for three reasons:  (1) It splits the Governor’s office power (to the extent that Bruno will be able to exercise some power as acting lieutenant governor, whatever that means) between Dem. and Republican, (2) it forces Bruno and Paterson to work together despite the Bruno-Spitzer animosity, and (3) it relieves the pressure on the very narrowly Republican New York State Senate.  That last point is the most curious one for me, an Albany, NY, native.Â

    Bruno, the majority leader in the Senate, has been trying to hold on to the very narrow Republican margin in the Senate.  Paterson, the lieutenant governor, has had the authority to act as a tie-breaker for Senate ties, which put pressure on Bruno’s one person Republican margin in the Senate.  Even just one Republican defector on a vote could force a tie that would give the Dems an extra vote (by Paterson).  That’s a fair amount of Dem. power and Republican tension… that now appears to go away if Paterson is no longer the lieutenant governor.  Right?  (I cannot find the provision of the NYS Constitution or Senate Rules that addresses this point.  I am now sort of waiting to see if Marc Hodak concurs….  (See his helpful comments in the “comments” section.))

    Also, in doing research, I see that this is the third time in recent history that our NYS Lieutenant Governor has had to step in for an exiting governor.  Hmmm.  Maybe the back door way to power, then, in New York State, is by becoming Lieutenant Governor and keeping your fingers crossed that your boss will drop the ball.

    Posted in Uncategorized | 4 Comments »

    EU Clears Google-Doubleclick

    Posted by Josh Wright on March 11, 2008

    From the WSJ Online:

    The transaction had faced stiff opposition in Brussels from Google rivals including Microsoft Corp. and Yahoo Inc., as well as privacy advocates who fretted that a combined company would control a vast storehouse of data on Web users and their surfing habits. But European Commission antitrust officials early on ruled out examining the privacy implications of the deal, resulting in a conventional merger analysis that left fewer ways for the deal to be blocked. In the end, the EU concluded that the still-nascent online-advertising market is changing quickly enough and has enough competitors that a combined Google-DoubleClick wouldn’t be able to shut out rivals. The purchase “would be unlikely to have harmful effects on consumers,” the EU said in a statement. The EU’s approval had been expected. The U.S. Federal Trade Commission gave its blessing, in a 4-1 vote, in December.

    UPDATE: Here is more from Google’s Eric Schmidt and a few excerpts from the EC’s Press Release:

    The Commission’s in-depth market investigation found that Google and DoubleClick were not exerting major competitive constraints on each other’s activities and could, therefore, not be considered as competitors at the moment. Even if DoubleClick could become an effective competitor in online intermediation services, it is likely that other competitors would continue to exert sufficient competitive pressure after the merger. The Commission therefore concluded that the elimination of DoubleClick as a potential competitor would not have an adverse impact on competition in the online intermediation advertising services market.

    And with respect to non-horizontal issues the Commission:

    found that the merged entity would not have the ability to engage in strategies aimed at marginalising Google’s competitors, mainly because of the presence of credible ad serving alternatives to which customers (publishers/advertisers/ad networks) can switch, in particular vertically integrated companies such as Microsoft, Yahoo! and AOL. The market investigation also found that the merged entity would not have the incentive to close off access for competitors in the ad serving market, mainly because such strategies would be unlikely to be profitable.

     

     

    Posted in antitrust, economics, federal trade commission, google, intellectual property, mergers & acquisitions, regulation, technology | Comments Off

    The Economics of $4300

    Posted by Josh Wright on March 10, 2008

    Tyler Cowen invokes Klein and Leffler (1981) to explain the the apparently high price of paid by Client #9 for sex, arguing that high price in combination with the repeat purchase mechanism were part of a self-enforcement mechanism designed to assure performance (in this case, presumably, sex and secrecy). That the $4,300 represents a substantial premium over the competitive price in order to assure such performance is plausible, but there is another possible story. Self-enforcement requires a premium stream sufficient to facilitate performance, not more. The premium must be greater than the possible gains from non-performance. What are those gains from providing sex but not secrecy in this case? One could tell a story that the shirking gains are not incredibly high, and therefore the required premium stream would be low since any expected gains from shirking must be offset by the expected costs associated with the prostitute incriminating herself. Plus, how large could the private benefits be for disclosing this information?  Further, wouldn’t there necessarily be some private sanction from the employer for disclosure?  We are talking about the world of illegal economic activity and non-legal sanctions.   In other words, one might expect that an efficient self-enforcement mechanism might involve the employer’s commitment to supplement additional enforcement capital.

    If this story were correct, there would not be a huge premium stream required to assure performance and we would be left with the inference that $4,300 is the competitive market price for the services of an upscale prostitute. I find that argument plausible as well.  But this interpretation tends to overlook or discount the gains from potential extortion or media attention for the prostitute and overestimates the expected costs of the criminal penalties. Under this second interpretation, where extortion is a significant component of the gains to shirking and those gains are large (for example, some fraction of the customer’s wealth), one might reasonably argue that the premium stream embodied by the $4,300 is far too low to assure performance!  However, I do agree with Cowen that it doesn’t make sense to design a self-enforcement mechanism and then incriminate oneself as appears to have occurred here.

    Posted in contracts, economics | 1 Comment »

    Eliot Spitzer – Tied to Prostitution? The Boys Versus The Girls

    Posted by Elizabeth Nowicki on March 10, 2008

    According to the Associated Press, New York State Governor Eliot Spitzer is reported to be or have been a client of a “high-end prostitution ring called Emperors Club VIP.”  This morning, Governor Spitzer publicly apologized to his family and the public, “but did not not elaborate on a bombshell report that he has been involved in a prostitution ring.”

    The story is still breaking, but it forces me to wonder if Governor Spitzer will be prosecuted for patronizing a prostitute, if it turns out that is what he did.  As we all know, both parties involved in prostitution are breaking the law.

    More to the point, as the DC Madam, Deborah Jeane Palfrey, is prosecuted in federal court for running a prostitution ring, it will be interesting to see how things develop with Governor Spitzer.  One of the DC Madam’s big gripes is that, though the government has the names and identities of plenty of her customers and *ahem* female contractors, only she – Deborah Jeane Palfrey – is being prosecuted.

    Back when I was in law school at Columbia, I did research for the late Professor Curt Berger, who was a property expert.  Professor Berger once asked me to research how many women versus how many men were arrested for prostitution (in New York state, as I recall).  By far, the women outnumbered the men.  Lovely….  Will the Eliot Spitzer situation, when juxtaposed with the DC Madam prosecution, prove the point further?

    Stay tuned.

    Posted in Uncategorized | 5 Comments »

    Steven Cheung's Blog

    Posted by Josh Wright on March 10, 2008

    Of potential interest to TOTM readers (especially those who can read Chinese), Stephen Cheung has a blog. (HT: Peter Klein)

    Posted in blogging, economics, law and economics | Comments Off

     
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