Truth on the Market

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Archive for May, 2007

Professor Bainbridge's Complete Guide to Sarbanes-Oxley

Posted by Josh Wright on May 9, 2007

Is available here. Here is the description:

Congress passed the Sarbanes-Oxley Act in response to major corporate and accounting scandals–and many consider the act to be the most significant change in corporate governance and securities regulations in the past seventy years.

SOX requirements have brought about far-reaching changes for public corporations, private corporations, and nonprofits. Every manager and director should be aware of how the business landscape will be affected.

The Complete Guide to Sarbanes-Oxley answers in nontechnical language such questions as:

  • What does SOX mean to me now?
  • Do I have to worry about it?
  • How much legal and accounting help do I need?
  • What information technology requirements will I face?

If you’re a business owner, you need The Complete Guide to Sarbanes-Oxley!

Interested readers may also want to take a look at Butler & Ribstein’s AEI analysis of the Sarbanes-Oxley Debacle as well as Kate Litvak’s latest empirical examination of the affect of SOX on the cross-listing premium.

Posted in corporate governance, corporate law, economics, executive compensation, legal scholarship, markets, regulation, sarbanes-oxley, scholarship | 1 Comment »

Senator Kohl on Antitrust, Part I — Airline Mergers

Posted by Thom Lambert on May 8, 2007

One nice thing about being a legal academic is that you can diversify your political portfolio. By that, I mean that you become somewhat indifferent to who’s in office. If it’s folks you agree with, then you’re happy because your preferred policies are being implemented. If it’s folks with whom you disagree, then you’re happy because your job (criticizing bad policy) becomes easier.

I was reminded of this ability to “make lemonade” as I perused the latest issue of Antitrust, the magazine of the ABA’s Antitrust Section. That issue, which is dedicated to “Antitrust in the New Congress,” is chock full of interesting stuff. Among the most intriguing pieces is an interview with Senator Herb Kohl (D-WI), the new chairman of the Judiciary Committee’s Antitrust Subcommittee.

Senator Kohl, it seems, is going to make my job easier.

Over the next few days, I’ll highlight a few of Senator Kohl’s thoughts on antitrust policy. (There’s too much here for a single blog post.) We begin with airline mergers.

Orlando-based AirTran, a discount airline, has been trying for quite some time to acquire Midwest Airlines, a Milwaukee-based airline known for its fantastic service. Midwest has repeatedly rebuffed AirTran’s offers, so AirTran has made a tender offer for Midwest stock. (The current offer expires on May 16.)

Senator Kohl is opposed to the merger and plans to use his antitrust influence to try and thwart it. He explains:

In the case of AirTran’s acquisition plans, I think we have been very clear that if they follow through with their intent to purchase Midwest, they will face hearings in our committee. Midwest is my home state’s local airline. It is headquartered and has its main hub in Milwaukee. And the quality of service they offer to travelers is superior. Their service are [sic] considered to be among the very best in the industry and they have devoted customers like you rarely see in most businesses and certainly not in the airline business. People who use Midwest Airlines truly appreciate the quality of their service in every way — from the type of airplane that they use with only two seats across to the frequency and numbers of destinations they serve from their hubs, which is so important to those of us who live in Milwaukee, to their competitively priced air fares.

So here we have an airline that offers reasonable prices, excellent service in terms of the pilots and the attendants, and gives Wisconsin residents like me excellent connections to the major business centers around the country. Most important to Wisconsin’s economy, Midwest Airlines is a local business, employing thousands of people in high quality jobs, so this airline is really appreciated by all of us in our state.

And now AirTran wants to buy it. And so, we wrote a letter to AirTran, just a couple of days ago. I wrote not only as a Senator, but also as a consumer. We think this would be a bad deal for consumers. We understand it might be good for AirTran’s own business interests and bottom line, but it would harm many thousands of travelers in Wisconsin and elsewhere in terms of quality of service. And in fact, the merger is being opposed by Midwest management.

So as the head of the Antitrust Subcommittee, you can be sure that I’m going to be looking at this deal very carefully should it go forward, including having hearings at our Subcommittee regarding what this deal would mean for consumers and the thousands of people that rely on this excellent airline.

In general, we care about competition in aviation because this industry is so critical to our country’s economy. Airlines are America. America is airlines. Of course, you can say that about other industries, too. But, with respect to airlines, in our modern economy and society, people have to travel. In today’s modern times, the airlines are the lifeblood for our nation’s commerce and our citizen’s [sic] travel.

And therefore, those of us who regulate the industry or have oversight over the industry have to do everything we can to see to it that there is sufficient competition in this industry.

Sen. Kohl’s comments sound like the sort of thing I hear from my non-lawyer friends when I tell them I teach antitrust law. The remarks demonstrate almost no understanding of antitrust’s role and purpose and instead treat antitrust as a just another tool for protectionism.

Sen. Kohl never says a word about the only real point of competition between Midwest and AirTran — i.e., the routes served by both airlines. That’s probably because the airlines compete on so few routes. Comparing the Midwest route map (click on “Midwest Airlines Route Map”) with the AirTran route map (run your cursor over the cities to see the routes from each) reveals minimal competition between these two airlines. Almost all Midwest flights originate or terminate in Milwaukee or Kansas City. AirTran, which has dozens of routes from Atlanta and Orlando, appears to offer only six flights from Milwaukee and four from Kansas City. Midwest flies one Atlanta route and two Orlando routes. Because the two airlines serve different areas (and the areas where there’s significant overlap are subject to intense competition from other airlines), a combined AirTran/Midwest would not have the power to reduce output and raise price above competitive levels. That is all antitrust cares about.

It is not, however, the only concern of politicians who would use antitrust law to achieve non-antitrust ends. Sen. Kohl emphasizes a number of other concerns. For example:

The merger might result in a change to Midwest’s fancy service. Sen. Kohl is exactly right that Midwest offers superior service — e.g., all business class seats, warm chocolate chip cookies, etc. Midwest has become a takeover target, though, because its stock price appears to be low relative to what it could be if it were run differently. In other words, the current service/price combination is not squeezing the maximum amount of value out of Midwest’s assets. AirTran believes, and is willing to bet money on the fact, that it can generate more profit from Midwest’s assets. Absent some ability to charge supracompetitive prices (and, for reasons stated above, this merger would not create such ability), AirTran could do this only if it offered a service/price combination that is more desirable to consumers than that being offered by Midwest. So, while the level of service on Midwest flights might fall post-merger, the total consumer surplus (including that which would be created by eliminating the all-business seating and thereby increasing the number of consumers on each flight) would increase. Antitrust law should not bar this expansion of overall consumer surplus.

The merger might reduce jobs in the Milwaukee area. At least Sen. Kohl is frank about his real concern: “Most important to Wisconsin’s economy, Midwest Airlines is a local business, employing thousands of people in high quality jobs….” The problem is that antitrust is not aimed at protecting jobs. It is an incredibly blunt job-protection tool. Moreover, if antitrust recognized potential job losses as grounds for blocking a merger, practically every merger could be barred. After all, it is the elimination of redundancies that creates the efficiencies that make mergers attractive in the first place.

The merger is opposed by Midwest’s management. Duh. AirTran wants to buy Midwest because it perceives Midwest’s stock price to be low relative to the value that could be produced if the firm were managed differently. That means that AirTran believes Midwest management is doing a bad job, and that current Midwest management will almost certainly be replaced in the merged company. Of course Midwest management opposes this merger! Opposition by a laggard management, though, provides no reason for antitrust authorities to block a corporate combination.

The merger involves a crucial industry. This is the argument of last resort for antitrust interventionists: Even if antitrust intervention would not normally be appropriate here, we must step in in this case because the industry at issue is just so important! We’ve recently seen the argument in connection with oil and gas mergers, but I’ve never seen it applied to airlines — especially in such dramatic terms: “[W]e care about competition in aviation because this industry is so critical to our country’s economy. Airlines are America. America is airlines.” C’mon.

Just imagine what Sen. Kohl will have to say about this.

Posted in antitrust, business, mergers & acquisitions, politics | 9 Comments »

Clinton, Obama, and Wal-Mart

Posted by Josh Wright on May 3, 2007

At his new and excellent blog Hodak Value, frequent TOTM commentor Marc Hodak offers the following in response to a post at the Daily Kos implying that Wal-Mart’s treatment of its workers should give rise to a level of concern similar to that of the Rwandan genocide:

My standard for concern about an organization is somewhat different. If an organization has people beating down the doors to get in, it’s probably not a problem how they’re treating their workers. If an institution has people risking their lives to flee, that’s probably an institution that needs some outside monitoring.

Hodak’s blog is up and running and has lots of great stuff. Check it out.

But back to Wal-Mart for a minute. Hodak’s post got me thinking about some of much milder Wal-Mart rhetoric that has started to fly around since the campaign has started to heat up. The most recent example is presidential hopeful Hillary Clinton’s answer to the “Wal-Mart Question” in the recent debate where she describes Wal-Mart as “a mixed blessing.” Here’s the whole thing:

Well because when Wal-Mart started, it brought goods into rural areas, like rural Arkansas where I was happy to live for 18 years. And it gave people a chance to stretch their dollar further. But as they grew much bigger, though, they have raised serious questions about the responsibility of corporations and how they need to be a leader when it comes to providing health care and having safe working conditions and not discriminating on the basis of sex or race or any other category. Brian, this is all part, though, of how this Administration and corporate America today don’t see middle class and working Americans. They are invisible. They don’t understand that if you’re a family that can’t get health care, you’re really hurting. But to the corporate elite and to the Administration and the White House, you’re invisible.

Clinton starts with the sensible and obvious proposition that Wal-Mart does do at least some good. But notice how the benefits are trivialized: A handful of rural consumers get goods that could not have otherwise and folks can have a “chance to stretch the dollar further.” But the downside is not so trivial, Clinton tells us, because it is “serious problem” that is part of a plot between the Administration and Corporate America to leave middle American behind. Of course it is!!! By the way, Wal-Mart causes crime too.

Luckily, the market provides ample data to test these assertions and distinguish the hand-waving proclamations from the truth.  But who needs evidence when one can rely on the the tried and true causal relationship between firm size and evil: “as they grew much bigger, though, they have raised serious questions about the responsibility of corporations and how they need to be a leader when it comes to providing health care and having safe working conditions and not discriminating on the basis of sex or race or any other category.”

You see, Wal-Mart was all good in its nascent stages when it was not so big  — Guilt-free low prices for families for low and moderate income families!  But those, you see, were the good ol’ days before it grew.  You know, the days when Clinton sat on Wal-Mart’s board, a.k.a. the days when an attack on Wal-Mart and free trade weren’t in the compulsory portion of the campaigning program.  I don’t mean to just pick on Clinton.  Obama has taken the bait to engage in a little Wal-Mart bashing as well at least once.

Here’s a quote from Hillary Clinton from a 1996 interview on C-Span just after endorsing the proposition that ” the unfettered free market has been the most radically disruptive force in American life in the last generation,” where she discusses the good ol’ days of Wal-Mart:

One of the things that Sam Walton believed in was profit sharing. I mean, part of the reason that I appreciated his business philosophy is that the workers at Wal-Mart were able to share in the profits, and the executives, when I was on the board, were very careful to keep their perks down — the kind of offices they had, the way that they lived and the way that they treated their fellow associates at every level in the business. I thought that was a good example.

But then Wal-Mart grew, became evil, and became a serious problem. Never mind the giant consumer benefits that flow from Wal-Mart’s competitive pricing. For example, low generic drug prices. Or how about Hausman and Leibtag’s estimate of consumer benefits from big box retailers that amounts to approximately 20.2% of the average food expenditures. For consumers in the bottom income quintile, this amounts to a welfare increase of approximately 6.5% (and 1.5% averaged across all consumers).  We should all be so lucky to have mixed blessings like this.

But I should be fair to Clinton’s case against Wal-Mart.  Here goes.   Clinton points to three things: (1) health care; (2) working conditions; and (3) discrimination. Oddly, she seems to believe that there is some lcausal link between Wal-Mart’s growth and this trio. I’m fairly certain there is no evidence of that but would love to see it if it is out there. As far as (2) and (3) go, I don’t think any Wal-Mart supporters have argued that Wal-Mart should be immune from labor or discrimination laws. But the public policy debate seems to focus on whether Wal-Mart has some special obligation on these issues because of its size. As Hodak points out, the fact that there appears to be a significant demand for jobs at Wal-Mart is certainly relevant to this analysis, e.g. 15,000 applicants for 400 jobs at the new Chicago Wal-Mart.

So, how about that evidence about Wal-Mart any health care? Jason Furman (NYU, and former economic adviser to John Kerry) offers a thorough review of the available evidence on health care and concludes that “Wal-Mart’s health benefits are similar to or better than benefits at comparable employers.”

Being election season and all, I know I am barking up the wrong tree for wanting more than soundbite treatment of these issues from politicans, e.g. Clinton’s plea that Brian Williams and America see the Wal-Mart issue has part of a conspiracy by the “Administration and corporate America” to ignore and exploit middle class and working Americans. A welfare increase of 6.5% for the lowest income quintile is enormous. How many government programs create that kind of welfare benefit? Can you name one? If there are serious arguments to be launched against Wal-Mart, and surely some of these politicians are serious (right?), they must embrace the reality that Wal-Mart has produced enormous benefits for Americans as a whole and especially lower and middle-lower class Americans.

Furman addresses this issue head on:

Well-intentioned Wal-Mart critics are sincerely interested in an America where workers are better off. They understandably want higher wages and higher benefits for everyone. Wal-Mart’s low prices help to increase real wages for the 120 million Americans employed in other sectors of the economy. And the company itself does not appear to pay lower wages or benefits than similar companies, or to cause substantially lower wages in the retail sector. Although there may be a dispute about the magnitude of the cost savings for consumers, no one disputes that they are large. In contrast, the effect on workers is relatively smaller and far from obviously negative.

There is relatively little scope to pressure Wal-Mart – and almost no scope to pressure other smaller and less visible companies – into paying higher compensation. Even if the campaign resulted in, say, some expansion of health benefits to placate one of Wal-Mart’s most visible public relations problems, the result could well be lower wages. At worst, to the degree the anti-Wal-Mart campaign slows or halts the spread of Wal-Mart to new areas, it will lead to higher prices that disproportionately harm lower-income families.

In the process, some of the campaign’s rhetoric risks undermining public support for making work pay, and in particular for publicly provided health benefits for less-skilled and less experienced workers who earn lower wages. A much better strategy would be to recognize that Wal-Mart is a progressive success story. By acting in the interests of its shareholders, Wal-Mart has innovated and expanded competition, resulting in huge benefits for the American middle class and even proportionately larger benefits for moderate-income Americans.

Obama’s lead economic adviser is Austan Goolsbee — which gives me hope that this is some sort of election rhetoric from Obama that he doesn’t really mean because he gets basic economics.  Maybe Clinton should hire Jason Furman?

Posted in business, corporate social responsibility, economics, law and economics, markets, politics, regulation | 4 Comments »

Testimony on HB 1902 Prohibiting "Pay for Delay" Settlements

Posted by Josh Wright on May 3, 2007

David Fischer brings my attention to testimony on HB 1902 which would prohibit “payment for delay” settlements between brand name and generic drug companies.  FTC Commissioner Leibowitz testified on the position of my new employer here.

I also learned from reading Scott Hemphill’s testimony and submission (Columbia Law), which relies upon and includes some of his excellent work documenting the characteristics of these settlements and analyzing their effects.  If you have time to read more than Scott’s 138 page submission … check out Phil Proger’s (JDRP) submission.  Here is Proger’s punchline:

I conclude (1) that reverse payments are not “reverse” and not always anticompetitive; (2) that the proposed solution is not a competitive solution at all, and is contrary to the historical role of Congress in enacting antitrust legislation and the FTC in conducting antitrust enforcement; and finally, (3) that adopting a broadly inclusive per se ban on any settlement “for value” will have unintended consequences that could actually inhibit incentives for generic entry, and may alter the balance between drug innovation and affordability that Hatch-Waxman currently embodies.  For all of these reasons, it is my view that issues raised by H.R. 1902 warrant further study. H.R. 1902 would adopt for the first time the blunt instrument of a per se antitrust rule against specific conduct in a specific industry. Such a step would be a departure for Congress, which has previously (and wisely) decreed that antitrust practices should be measured by competitive standards.

Posted in antitrust, federal trade commission, intellectual property, patent, regulation | Comments Off

Dow Jones Board Action: Nice exam question

Posted by Elizabeth Nowicki on May 3, 2007

Does a bid for Dow Jones implicate Revlon duties?  Can a board “just say no”?  What if the Board says nothing, b/c they know a majority of their s/h will not vote for the acquisition?  This is the stuff good Corporations or M&A exam questions are made of.  Luckily, counsel to the Dow Jones Board must have paid attention in class:Â

DOW JONES STATEMENT
Dow Jones & Company today announced that a director who is a representative of the Bancroft family, Michael B. Elefante, informed the Dow Jones Board of Directors today that members of the family and the trustees of trusts for their benefit have advised him that they would vote shares constituting approximately 52% of the outstanding voting power of Dow Jones as of May 1 (excluding options) against the proposal submitted by News Corporation to acquire Dow Jones.  Approval of a merger under Delaware law requires approval of a majority of the outstanding voting power of the corporation. Accordingly, the Dow Jones Board of Directors has determined to take no action with respect to the proposal.

The 52% family block takes the DJ Board off the hook for now, for purposes of this particular proposal.  What happens if the water starts churning with hungry bidders?  At what point does the Board need to say to the 52% block “you are walking away from a super deal”?  Does the Board ever need to say that?  What about the minority s/h?  Who, if anyone, needs to advocate for them?  Stay tuned.

Posted in corporate governance, corporate law, mergers & acquisitions | 3 Comments »

 
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